INTRODUCTION

One of the companies in the mining sector that has recently been in the public spotlight is PT. Indonesia Weda Bay Industrial Park (IWIP). Through PT. IWIP, the industrial area is claimed to be the first integrated industrial area in Indonesia which is intended to facilitate mineral processing and the production of electric vehicle battery components.

Administratively, PT. IWIP operates in the Central Halmahera Regency, North Maluku Province. PT. IWIP is the first integrated industrial area in the world that will process mineral resources from the mouth of the mine into final products in the form of electric vehicle batteries and steel. As a realization of the agreement between Eramet Group (France) and Tsingshan, this industrial area requires a total investment of US$ 10 billion. In 2018, PT. IWIP together with PT. Aneka Tambang Tbk., as a local partner, is developing a nickel ore deposit and a 30 kt/Ni Nickel Pig Iron smelter. The construction of this smelter is the first in the Weda Bay Industrial Area.

Exploitation activities by the company PT. IWIP in Central Halmahera raises urgent problems for the community around the mine. Mining in the area leaves three social problems that have an impact on the loss of culture and economic factors of local communities (Hasyir, 2016). The results of the field study found that there are three important issues, including social justice, equality in obtaining welfare and economic resources, as well as guarantees for sustainability related to environmental changes. The problem of social justice for local communities is closely related to the loss of local people's land for mining areas.

For agrarian communities, the availability of agricultural land and natural resources (SDA) in this field is an important factor of production in supporting their survival (Kurnia et al., 2022). If agricultural land and the resources in it are no longer adequately available, then the life of the people concerned will experience disruption both economically and culturally (Hanafie, 2010).

In line with the above, Nurjaya (2006) argues that the use of natural resources is carried out without regard to the principles of justice, democracy, and the sustainability of natural resources functions (Jazuli, 2015). This is caused by the development ambition itself which mainly pursues economic growth targets so that policies are more directed towards development with economic growth development or for the sake of increasing state income and state revenue. In the process, local communities around mining business locations are also often neglected.

The problem then is the change in land use. The function of the land in question is that community-owned agricultural land (gardens) is sold to companies and turned into mining areas (Pramudya, 2020; Triutami, n.d.) Thus, the farmers lose their gardens and have an impact on the rituals or culture of the farmers that have often been carried out in gardens since generations. Land use change is a phenomenon that often occurs in various regions when there is a mining company.

Losing plantation land also directly loses various rituals. The question is, have the types of rituals found in people who work as farmers been recorded/ documented as knowledge for future generations? and how will these rituals continue in the future?

This question is important considering Indonesia as a superpower country in the field of culture, has great potential in influencing world civilization. Therefore, PT. IWIP and The Regional Government must pay attention to advancing culture in the region, so that it becomes the root of development that continues to be carried out. In accordance with the mandate of Law Number 5 of 2017 concerning the Promotion of Regional Culture, it brings a new spirit in efforts to protect, develop, utilize and foster national culture from, by and for the regions (Zulkifli & Azhari, 2018).

In interpreting field findings, this study uses "social construction theory" (social construction theory) from Berger and Luckmann, and "cultural and social practice relation theory" from Jerzy Kmita as perspectives. This theory basically emphasizes the existence of what is called subjective reality and objective reality in social life as a reflection of the knowledge and experience of human life in society (Kementerian Kesehatan Republik Indonesia, 2017). Based on their knowledge and experience, people construct their world view, life environment, religion, and everything in their life. Humans create reality; objective reality and subjective reality.

Meanwhile, the theory of the structuralist social scientist Kmita in (Moraczewski, 2014) basically explains that social and cultural practices form a functional structure with respect to certain global properties; reproduction of the objective conditions of production. Reproduction of the objective conditions of production is a combination of forces productive forces and relations of production. The reproduction of these conditions is a condition sine qua non for the survival of any society. In this context, there is a reality called material reproduction. There are two types of material reproduction, namely simple reproduction and extended reproduction. Simple reproduction depends on the non-regressive reproduction of initial conditions, while extended reproduction is characterized by the constant expansion and development of the productive forces in the relations of production. The necessity of economic reproduction directly determines the practice of production, economic exchange and consumption.

METHOD

A. Location and time of Research

This research was conducted in Central Halmahera Regency, North Maluku. Deliberately, using a purposive sampling method, the location of this research was determined for the reason that this district is one of the districts in North Maluku which has a relatively large number of IUPs. The subdistrict which is the research area is Weda Tengah Subdistrict which includes the villages of Kobe, Sawai Itepo, Lelilef Waibulan, Lelilef Sawai, and Kulo Jaya. Communities in this sub-district are classified as mining circle communities. This research was conducted in September-December 2021. During this period, research activities included preparation, field data collection, and writing of the final research report.

B. Samples and Informants

Informants were determined purposively (purposive sampling) by considering their relevance to the research topic (Creswell, 2010). Considering that this research is mainly concerned with the socio-cultural conditions of the mining community and its relation to the activities of mining business actors (mining companies), the informants that have been determined are the community, local government, company employees, and mining companies.

The community includes ordinary people and religious/ traditional leaders. The local government includes the village head. The company employees interviewed in this study kept their identities confidential at the request of the informants and according to the ethics of this research itself.

The interviews with these informants included primary data regarding their insights into their knowledge and experiences related to mining activities by mining companies; their living conditions before and while the mining company was operating; interactions between local communities and migrants as the number of mining company employees increases; programs or activities of mining companies aimed at communities around the mines.

C. Data Collection Techniques

Data This research is a qualitative research with data collection techniques through three ways, namely observation or observation (observation), in-depth interviews (in-depth interviews), and document studies/ literature studies (Sugiyono, 2018). Observation techniques are carried out by directly observing residents who live in the area around the mine, the condition of the physical environment, residential areas around the mine, etc. All data collection activities are documented as part of the data collection technique. In-depth interviews were conducted with residents around the mine who were considered to have knowledge and experience regarding environmental conditions and the activities of mining business actors. The interviews were conducted in a semi-structured manner using an interview guide that had been prepared beforehand.

D. Data analysis technique

There is no standard procedure in qualitative research. Even so, there is a kind of general agreement that qualitative data analysis starts from the time data collection begins until data collection is complete. At least, there are three things that must be done in the data analysis stage, namely data reduction, data presentation, and drawing conclusions (Miles & Huberman, 2007).

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Natural resources, including mining, are an integral part of all aspects of life for the people of Central Halmahera, especially those who live in the mining area. The physical environment, the place where all-natural resources are located, is integrated with the cultural environment of the people who inhabit or utilize them (Fargomeli, 2014). Thus, the management of natural resources in a certain environment absolutely pays attention to the socio-cultural conditions of the surrounding community.

Central Halmahera Regency has a very high mining potential. This condition invites many investors to this area to invest their capital in order to reap huge economic benefits (Nancy, 2022). Companies in the mining sector ranging from local, national to international scales have been officially present in this region. Policy support from the central government and local governments paved the way for them to manage businesses in the mining sector in this district.

The prominence of this company can be seen from its role as an industrial area manager with infrastructure development and mining which involves a large workforce. In this context, the dynamics of the social life of the local community, especially the people who live in the mining area, will be studied from various aspects and the resulting impacts. Changes in the mining community can be seen from various aspects, including social and cultural aspects. In addition, this change can also be seen based on the nature of the impact it causes, namely positive and negative impacts. A review of the communities in the mining area in Central Halmahera Regency is carried out through these aspects and the impacts they have caused.

In this study, the social aspects of society are seen based on community structure, social interaction, migration patterns, labor, cooperation and disputes. The presence of several mining companies in Central Halmahera, particularly PT. IWIP, has an impact on changing the community structure around the mine. If previously the condition of the community was still homogeneous, then after the existence of a mining company, the condition of the community has become increasingly heterogeneous. This level of heterogeneity can be seen in terms of ethnicity, origin, religion, etc. Most of the people had local ethnic backgrounds in North Maluku prior to PT. IWIP. Several ethnic immigrants from outside North Maluku, such as the Bugis-Makassar, Javanese, Sumatran, already exist, although in relatively small numbers. After the existence of PT IWIP, the number of ethnic immigrants increased dramatically.

The main factor that attracted the arrival of a number of people (migrants) from ethnic groups outside North Maluku was the opening of job opportunities by PT. IWIP. This is not wrong. Job opportunities should be fairly open to those who meet the criteria set by the company. However, due to the arrival of people from outside Central Halmahera, including from outside North Maluku, it will have an impact on changing the structure of society in the villages surrounding the mine. This structural change in turn has an impact on changes in interactions, attitudes, behaviors, and actions of the local community. Related to the workforce or employees working at PT. IWIP, an informant said the following:

“We have never heard of a company opening such a large job vacancy as PT. IWIP backs this up. Dorang (PT. IWIP) has opened vacancies with tens of thousands of people. Kong dorang is already crowded in the room. So, you do not know that they are from everywhere. For the tongs in Central Halmahera, most are from Veda with a few more. But there are more from Sulawesi and Java again. But we have also heard that there are also many employees who are from them (Chinese). We wonder how good they are. Even though they do the same thing as other people. Indeed, there are also those who have a certain field.”

The information from the informants above shows that Central Halmahera Regency is the destination for job seekers in the mining sector. This was triggered by official information issued by PT. IWIP related to employee recruitment in the company. There are various positions offered based on the skills required in the job vacancy. PT employees IWIPs live in the immediate area of the company, or in the district capital in Weda. Workers who are newcomers to the area of Central Halmahera Regency have an impact on social relations among the community. Despite the small number of workers from outside Central Halmahera, it is believed that they have an influence on the social life of this community. An informant stated the following:

Indeed, you cannot estimate how many people there were before PT. IWIP with PT. IWIP as it is today. But you can taste it, whereas if it's dawn in the afternoon it makes the streets very crowded. Where has there ever been before. In the past, no one even got to the boarding house until they didn't get it. Now, while the house is still just the foundation, please come the list of kamuka to live. If you need it, cash advance. Even though the house hasn't been built yet. That's not yet ready to sell. e. They are not employees of the company (PT. IWIP), but they just joined PT. IWIP started to have a lot of employees.

From the information from the informants above, it is not possible to obtain a definite figure or amount related to the increase in new arrivals, both as employees at PT. IWIP and workers in the informal sector. However, this drastic increase can be 'measured' from the observations of residents on the traffic of employees going to and from work. This view is even said to have never been found before PT. IWIP operates in this district. The informants also compared the condition of the number of employees when they were still at PT. WBN. According to him, employees of PT. WBN is not as much as it is today (PT. IWIP).

The conditions described by the informants above have had an impact on the pattern of interaction between the local community in the mining area in particular, and the people of Central Halmahera in general. Before the existence of PT. IWIP, local people interact more with each other only. After PT. IWIP was present, the presence of many employees and other migrants made their association wider. This is as stated by the informant as follows.

“Now it's like the world is getting wider or narrower. Tong was confused again. It's said to be widespread because people from outside can't see it. It is said to be cramped because people far away have come to the kong tong Bakudapa who are already here. In the past, you just read stories with people, now you can read stories with people from all over the world. As for employees, maybe they rarely read stories. Just a few. Usually, when they come home from work, they immediately rest. Maybe they are tired. But there are also mas-samas or daengs who carry the kiosk or the food stalls or the workshop.”

The information above gives us insight into changes in local community interaction patterns which can be seen from the expansion of their association. Village residents can chat with new residents who are migrants or job seekers either as employees or as workers in the informal sector (kiosks, stalls, workshops, etc.) since the operation of PT. IWIP. They get information about the outside world, the place where the newcomers come from, which they don't know about.

The new community members who are migrants generally do not live in a village or village environment. They can change their place of residence (boarding house) or place of business at any time. With busyness in their respective fields of work or activity, they have very little time to interact with each other in the surrounding community. Company employees usually use their boarding house to rest after work. However, these employees still participate socially in the form of donations if there are social activities in the form of donations of sufficient funds. This is considered positive by the local community, as expressed by one of the following informants.

“Dorang is usually in donating money when there are activities. As long as they are asked, they will definitely participate. For example, recently we made a road behind the mosque. Tong came to residents to ask for donations. We also ask for them (employees). They're bae-bae. Donate too.”

Negatively, from a social perspective, the presence of mining companies, including PT. IWIP has a negative impact on the social life of the community around the mine. This is recognized by the community with the increasing consumption of liquor (alcohol), fights, and free sex in their environment. Most alcoholic liquors are local drinks, namely Cap Tikus. Apart from being produced from surrounding villages, Cap Tikus is also supplied from other areas outside Central Halmahera. Other liquor is sold or made available at newly built wild cafes in the villages surrounding the company. As a result of consuming liquor, a person becomes sensitive and easily provoked by emotions, leading to fights involving villagers and migrants (employees) who are generally still teenagers.

The emergence of cafes in the mining area is a striking phenomenon. These cafes provide alcohol, karaoke entertainment, and women who can cater to the sexual desires of their visitors. This cafe is called the “blue zinc” because all of them use a roof with blue zinc. According to the informant, the women who serve there generally come from outside Central Halmahera. Women with this kind of work are also migrants who inhabit the villages where the cafe is located. Related to this, the informant stated as follows.

“Now the village is getting busier. More people from outside. What we know is that they work at PT. IWIP. Even though there could be people who work at other companies. There are also companies called subcontracts. But we will see later that PT. The new IWIP happened as it is today.”

“Try to pay attention to the time of your way here. Have a look at the building that uses blue zinc. That's what they call the blue zinc cafe. It's a karaoke place, singing. One time with alcohol, I feel like a woman again. It becomes entertainment for employees. But don't be wrong. It's not just employees who come there. In fact, they are from the city of Veda. Young people in the village who work for the company (PT. IWIP) are even joining in with alcohol again. If the employee and the young man have been drinking, Kong is both drunk, that's easy to break up. Easily offended. Someone is going to. But usually parents make peace with them so they don't get into trouble anymore.”

“So we hear a lot of stories about the waitresses at the cafe. That person is paid. Men who came even though someone already had children and wives. If the wife finds out, it will be a world war already. And in fact the story has already happened.”

The existence of this cafe divides the community into two groups. On the one hand, there are groups of people who are open and willing to accept. It is considered as a source of income or a place of entertainment. On the other hand, although so far the existence of the "Zeng Biru" cafe is still accepted by local residents, it is starting to feel unsettling. Apart from being considered to be detrimental to the morale of the younger generation in the long term, there are also stories which reveal the disturbance of domestic harmony due to men (husbands) who are seduced by women from the "zinc blue" cafe. Not only company employees or villagers, visitors to the "Seng Biru" cafe also come from the district town in Weda.

Various social institutions and customs in the people of Central Halmahera, especially those in the mining area, are basically part of the culture of that society. These social institutions and customs cannot be separated from the daily life of the mining community. The sustainability of a society as a social organization is only possible if it is guided by the values and cultural norms of that society. Without these values and norms, members of the community will lose the guide to behaving and acting, causing disorganization and disharmony in the social order of life.

The presence of mining companies, including PT. IWIP, within the Central Halmahera Regency, has had a broad impact on the culture of the people living around the mine. The various impacts referred to include: (1) shifts in cultural values related to cooperation and mutual cooperation; (2) threatened with the loss of traditions in agriculture; (3) changes in cultural orientation about work.

Although the habit of helping each other and gotong royong is still being practiced, the intensity is starting to decrease compared to the previous conditions when their village was not as busy as it is today. Society began to be more pragmatic by prioritizing meeting material needs rather than immaterial ones. An informant stated the following:

“Most people in the village have prioritized themselves. Nothing is seen from the size of how much money can be obtained from a job or activity. If there is something that can be sold and make money then it is biking. This situation is also supported by the large number of immigrants who fulfill their needs by buying everything. Torang is used to being the standard cashier, but I think that's starting to decrease.”

Based on the information from the informants above, it can be said that the shift occurred slowly. At first, the habit of selling daily necessities, for example, was only aimed at newcomers. However, over time this also applies to fellow villagers. This attitude and behavior is justified by some circles of society. The reason is that they also have to buy other needs that they cannot produce themselves, such as clothes (shirts and pants).

Cultural changes in the community around the mine can be found in traditions in the agricultural sector, namely the ritual of bongkar lahan, bebeto, bagi hasil, bahalo, matakao, dan sasi.

The bongkar lahan ritual is a custom of the people of Central Halmahera which is related to the preparation of garden land for planting certain crops. Before becoming gardens, these lands were unoccupied forests. Those who are able to clear it—usually by working together in groups—then make it agricultural land (gardens). When it becomes a garden, usually the owner of the garden suffers misfortune, such as illness.

The people of Central Halmahera believe that every forest or land has a landlord and is controlled by spirits. The illness experienced by the new land owner is believed to be due to interference from the landlord or spirits. To overcome this, someone who is considered to have knowledge and ability in occult sciences will be summoned to dream (mawi) regarding the disorder and its causes.

If the results of the mawi show that the cause of the disturbance comes from the landlord or the spirits, then the mawi expert will ask the landlord or the spirits to move to another place so that they don't disturb the garden owner. The land clearing ritual is carried out on the new land by praying and serving offerings in the form of chicken, yellow rice, betel, areca nut, and tobacco (tabako).

The tradition of bongkar lahan is closely related to the bobeto tradition. Bebeto is a tradition of the people of Central Halmahera in agriculture which is carried out at the stage of planting crops in the garden. Garden land that has been prepared beforehand, then planted with plants that are considered economically valuable. Bebeto is an activity of reciting prayers or hopes repeatedly while walking around (tawaf) the land that will be planted later. Bebeto example: "Ane be fatanam be snyat sio, different da bow sio, different da nak niwia. Ncubur, ncehat, ntub be nkapyo be lal, jou barrakati”, which can be interpreted as: “I plant this for humans and animals. Hopefully what I planted is fertile, healthy, grows, and grows big with God's blessing."

The prayer in bebeto above shows the close relationship between humans, animals, plants, and God. Humans (farmers) do not only plant for themselves, but hope that the crops are also beneficial to all beings. In order to grow and produce well, the plants must be fertile, healthy, and large. However, all of this can only be achieved if God bestows His blessings. A resident of Central Halmahera expressed his views on bebeto as follows.

"Torang bekeng bebeto when bakobong. So that person is going around kong reading the prayers. Ane be fatanam be snyat sio, be da bow sio, be da nak niwia. Ncubur, ncehat, ntub be nkapyo be lal, jou barrakati. Please keep reading, it's like Tong Sambayang Kong praying to God like that. Tong wish you all the success bae of everything that people are trying to do.”

Traditions that contain local wisdom above will have an impact on environmental sustainability, concern for fellow creatures, and humility before God. The values contained in this tradition will keep people from being greedy and destroying the environment for the sake of the present.

The people of Central Halmahera Regency generally work as farmers. One of the important crops and economic value among farming communities is coconut. To produce lots of coconuts, the community performs sasi on coconut trees. Sasi is a tradition of the people of Central Halmahera which is intended to give time for the plants to bear fruit until it is time to be harvested. Ordinary sasi is also known as a vow, or cursing anyone who takes a crop (mostly coconuts) to cause further illness or misfortune. This tradition is often found among Christian communities. This sasi is meaningful as a prohibition and restriction to fellow community members that these plants can only be harvested until the sasi period is over. Therefore, sasi knows a closing period and an opening period. The closing period means that during this period, it is not permissible to take or make use of plants that are being sasi. After the sasi closing period is over, it is time to open sasi. This means that the plant is allowed to be harvested or used by the owner.

A person or parties who violate the sasi provisions will usually fall ill or even die. Recovery can be made if the person is willing to acknowledge and apologize to the owner of the land or plants/trees. If they are willing, the land owner will involve the church in healing him. Some of the descriptions above are in line with the following information from informants.

“Sasi is a custom for people here. Most of that we see in Christian society. I rarely see that among Muslims. In fact I've never seen it. Sasi is what they call coconut oath. That means they swear not to be impatient. If you want coconut sasi, please come to church. Later, bengkeng depe adat.”

As is known, the coconut tree is an important plant for the people of Central Halmahera. Because of this, the coconut tree is one of the most frequently sasi plants. A coconut tree that is being sasi is usually found with a cross marked with red paint on the trunk of the tree.

This sasi tradition is firmly embedded in agricultural traditions, especially among coconut farmers. In other words, the population of coconut plants or the land for this plant is decreasing, so the sasi tradition is also slowly eroding. When a mining company arrived in the Central Halmahera Regency area, many people were tempted to sell their land because they were tempted by the high selling price. There are also those who are forced to release their land because it enters the exploration area of a mining company. This phenomenon of release or sale has been going on since PT. Weda Bay Nickel (WBN) to PT. current IWIP. In line with this, the informant expressed the following.

“Sasi is indeed widely applied to coconut trees. These coconuts are planted in the garden. If you don't have a garden, how can you plant more? Currently, many people are short of land (land). They used to sell it to companies (mining companies) because they were given high prices. There are also those who are forced to sell their land because they say it is in the company's (mining) area. There are many ways to buy earthen barrels. Someone came, baju-buju. Or is there something really like forcing. It's like this person has no rights. They say the land belongs to the state. If that's the case, you don't want to have to pay it already. So Tong Pe Kobong is already owned by Dorang (the mining company).”

“Nowadays, it seems that lebe children like to work in companies (mines). Is it because drang so tra wants to be bakobong, or is it really dong pe kobong so trada. Don't know already. Take a look, now at dawn or evening, it's just like a city here. Police motorbikes! There are a lot of employees going to or coming home from work.”

Mining companies are indeed considered as a party that especially contributes greatly to the existence of certain traditions in the community, especially those living in the mining area in Central Halmahera Regency. Although there are many mining companies operating in this district, PT. IWIP has received the main attention from many local communities. An informant stated:

“Before PT. IWIP exists, right? PT. WBN. But back then it wasn't as busy as it is now. There are also not as many employees as we can see. Now we hear a lot of accidents. Something burned, exploded, to death. I hear that many employees complain because they feel forced to work. Kong, there are many Chinese people who also work as employees. They don't understand people's language. But they were probably watching people again. So if you're just a little bit wrong, please report it already. Kong can be fired already.”

If you look at the official website of PT. IWIP, then actually PT. WBN is included as a tenant of this company. However, PT. IWIP which especially attracts the attention of the people of Central Halmahera and its surroundings. This impression arises from the public's view of the company's infrastructure development activities, which are considered very fast and grand.

When it's time to open sasi or coconut trees are allowed to be harvested and then processed into copra. The process of processing coconut into copra requires time, effort, and money. Many coconuts are to be processed into copra, so the cost and labor requirements are also high. However, in the tradition of the people in Central Halmahera, this can be kept down through a profit-sharing system between the workers (gardeners), the workforce, and the owner of the coconut tree land.

The process of processing coconut into copra at least goes through several stages. Among other things, cleaning the coconut area, picking coconuts from the tree, collecting the coconuts, splitting the coconuts, gouging the flesh so that it is separated from the shell, and smoking the coconut meat to make copra. The long and arduous process of processing coconuts into copra has forced the owner of the coconut land to hand over his land to someone appointed as cultivator. There are also coconut owners who ask for help from residents to work together with an agreement on a production sharing system.

The profit-sharing system is usually carried out by dividing equally all the successful copra obtained. In another way, usually the garden owner provides the daily needs of the workers involved in copra processing work. After the copra is weighed and sold, all costs incurred by the land owner are paid for before being divided equally. These two ways of profit-sharing are not standard models, although they are commonly applied to the people of Central Halmahera. It is possible to find other profit-sharing methods because the sharing system is determined based on an agreement between the coconut land owner and the workers involved. This is as stated by the informant as follows.

When it comes to copra, people usually support the crowd. Starting from cleaning the grass under the coconut to the top of the coconut fruit. If depe kobong is broad, but if depe depe has a lot more coconut, then it's certain that it will take a few days for the barrel to work. But that usually doesn't taste good because it's crowded anyway. They are even full like playing so it doesn't feel like it. Regardless of the distribution method, you can usually talk about it with Mr. Kobong. Various kinds, there are those who share it evenly if it has been weighed. There are also those who cut all working time first. It's up to you, what's the deal between the working barrel and the goods master?

The profit-sharing system among farmers in Central Halmahera Regency does not only apply to the processing of coconuts into copra. A similar system also applies to various agricultural/ plantation crop products, such as cocoa, cloves, nutmeg, etc. Seen from a cultural perspective, this profit-sharing mechanism is not only useful in lightening the workload of landowners, but also functions as a mechanism for cooperation and sharing garden produce in order to strengthen solidarity among community members. Therefore, this profit-sharing institution functions in the social and cultural life of the community where this tradition is applied.

The people of Central Halmahera have been one of the food production areas from the sago plant (metroxylon rumphii) since the colonial era. Sago is one of the important non-rice food raw materials. Usually sago is processed into roasted sago (sagu lempeng), papeda,sago brown sugar plate, coconut grilled sago, kokomane and several other types of traditional cakes. Sago is one of the people's traditional food sources which is not only consumed by the people of Central Halmahera, but also produced and sold to Ternate, Bacan, Jailolo, Gebe, Morotai, Tobelo, Buli and Maba. It should also be noted that, not only sago flour can be used but sago leaves and stems are also used as roofing materials for houses and handicrafts, as well as walls and floors of houses. The importance of this traditional food, the Government of Central Halmahera issued Regional Regulation Number 2 of 2018, Concerning the Management and Preservation of Sago.

Sago is not merely a staple food, but sago is also a source of information on human culture which is a collectivity (group) that expresses identity (identity). Sago is rich in its natural wealth so that the concept (knowledge) of the community regarding knowledge of infrastructure and food processing from sago varies with its type and shape, which is knowledge that is collectively owned.ecological. Not only food, but the behavior or habit of processing sago (suo) makes a distinguishing feature from other collectivities (groups). Tulalessy, QD (2016: 86).

The people of Central Halmahera have the bahalo tradition. Bahalo is a tradition related to processing sago trees into sago flour that is ready for consumption. This tradition is mainly still found among the Sagea community in the North Weda sub-district. Sago trees that are considered old are cut down to be processed to produce sago flour. Traditionally, sago trees are felled using an axe. Along with the times, the tool for cutting sago trees no longer uses an ax, but a sensor machine (chain saw).

The bahalo tradition can be carried out by only one nuclear family, or involve several other people. The involvement of several people in this bahalo activity has implications for the distribution of the sago profits that will be obtained later. If done in groups, the machine tool used to cut down the sago trees will be calculated to get a certain portion. In addition, the owner of the sago tree will certainly receive a share of the sago flour. The rest, all workers involved in processing sago trees to produce sago juice will get their respective share.

Until now, the tradition of bahalo sago and sharing of the results (if done in groups) is still being practiced and maintained. This tradition is considered as ancestral heritage from generation to generation. The various descriptions above are in line with the following informant statements.

“Sago is our staple food. You could say the rice was just recently. Tong pe ancestor of this food is sago. It's just because everyone is so sophisticated that people with children are eating rice. In fact, sago is tapping. People should not be ashamed. Take a look now, if you go to Ternate. For eating popeda, Kong ngoni pays dearly for it! Even though it was people who ate food those days. Indeed, there are also those who are so lazy that sago is sago. The goods at work are indeed western again. Many want something easy. Don't want to bother. Just buy the finished one, just eat it.”

“But in Torang there are still many bahalo sago. After all, it's also a barrel of inheritance anyway. You can't just stay. And people really need it! Tong pe village still has many sago trees. Actually it's not that hard if you want to back up with a group. Baku help bekeng so it's fast anyway.”

The loss of factors of production, such as agricultural land and productive (plant) resources, labor, and production costs, means that various traditions associated with this field are threatened with disappearance. This was felt by one of the informants as disclosed below.

“How else do you want to help? Meanwhile, pe kobong is so tarada. Coconut so tarada. Want to replant? Batam, where else? Tong pe kobong is dong (mining company) so ambe. They buy. I can't help but sell it while they try to persuade me by force, sometimes. Because this land is said to be owned by the state. So if the (mining) company says it's their territory, the barrels must be sold already. If those who have compensation can get large (a lot) and make business, that's good. This means that you still have income. So that they don't have a bottom, they still have income. An example of someone who is a boarding house. But most of these people just sell it that way. Most of the land (land) is in the yard of the house. Even if it's still there.”

Interrelated with the absence of agricultural land, some circles of society have also experienced a change in orientation regarding work. This is especially the case for the younger generation in the mining area of Central Halmahera Regency. These people prefer to work as company employees rather than farming or going to sea (fishermen). In fact, when viewed from a cultural perspective, farming or fishing is a job that has been carried out by their ancestors for generations. In this case, PT. IWIP was also appointed as a major contributor to this shift in cultural values. Positively, it can be said that PT. IWIP provides a portion as an employee for the local community in the area around the mine. They, for example, work as security guards or laborers in companies. Wages earned from working as company employees vary from IDR 7 million to IDR 11 million per month. An informant who is from the younger generation stated the following.

“Working in a mining company like PT. IWIP is delicious. Tong pe salary is actually quite large. Tong bole can get 7 million to 11 million if you work at PT. IWIP. There are also those who are lazy or play around while working. If the company finds out, they can be fired. So many are like that. They are just like playing. Rather than pigi bakobong or mangael, they are more comfortable working in a company.”

Unknowingly by the company or the people who work as company employees, the current conditions will create dependence on the existence of the company. In the long term, this will eliminate the traditions related to agricultural or fishing culture in this society. Meanwhile, mining companies are not necessarily in production forever on the one hand, and the limited education and skills of the local community on the other hand. The demand for jobs in the future for the quality of human resources will also increase greatly. If this is not realized by the company or the community from an early age, then the risk will be borne by the community itself in the future. Their children and grandchildren will be born poor and helpless people because they are economically knocked out due to the absence of agricultural land. Meanwhile, the demands of mining companies on the quality of their employees are getting higher.

“Actually PT. IWIP is so bae. They open a lot of job vacancies and also provide them specifically for people here. It's not really enough. They should open more portions so that more people can work at the company. After a long time, this person only expected work from PT. IWIP only. But it's also reasonable actually. Because if you think about it, while people from outside come here to work, why don't people.”

During data collection for this research, most of the informants revealed that PT. IWIP as a mining company in this area has made many changes to the community in the mining area. When talking about mining companies, it's as if only PT. IWIP is all they have in mind. Other mining companies, especially those at the local company level, are considered not to have a significant influence on the dynamics of their lives.

CONCLUSION

Based on the description that has been shown in the results of this study, it was found that the presence of a mining company in an industrial area has a broad impact on people's lives both in the mining area and outside these areas. One of these impacts can be found in social and cultural aspects. Based on their nature, these impacts are positive and negative.

On the social aspect, the presence of a mining company for the mining community in Central Halmahera Regency has an impact on social interaction, social relations, and the social structure of the local community. Positively, social interaction between the local community has widened with the presence of migrants, both as company employees and workers in the informal sector. The social relations of the local community are also increasingly diverse due to the presence of newcomers with their respective roles (employees, sellers/traders, workshop services, etc.). Changes in social interaction and patterns of social relations in the local community have an impact on changing the social structure of the community. Migrant communities living in the mining area have increased the number and density of the population in this area.

From a cultural perspective, the condition of the community around the mine has shifted at the level of cultural values and norms. Traditions and customs which contain the values of cooperation, mutual assistance, solidarity, are beginning to erode due to the orientation of life values which tends to be materialistic, individualistic, and pragmatic. Community-owned agricultural lands were sold to companies because they were tempted by high prices. Dependence on companies is high because in addition to inadequate agricultural land being available anymore, the community also perceives that being a company employee is better than being a farmer or fisherman.

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