Nathasya
Victoria Ruswandana
North China Electric Power University
Email: [email protected]
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ARTICLE INFO |
ABSTRACT |
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Received: 2-10-2021 Revision: 1-11-2021 Received: 7-11-2021 |
The WTO was founded with the main objective of building a fair and
market-oriented trading system. Fair trade means free and no intervention
from anywhere to regulate the market. This applies to all sectors of the
economy but especially concerns the agricultural sector which is the basis of
a country's defense. Various efforts have been made by the WTO in terms of
making trade regulations in the agricultural sector which of course aims to
realize this goal. It is well known that in order to stabilize food prices,
ensure abundant food production, guarantee farmers' basic income, and in
general strengthen the agricultural segment of the national economy, the
government has implemented various assistance in the form of assistance to agricultural
product producers in the country. This assistance is called a subsidy which
can take various forms, namely in the form of tariff barriers, non-tariff
barriers, tax levies, positive regulations and direct subsidies to both
agricultural producers and exporters. In this study, the authors examine the
legal issues regarding subsidies for agricultural products within the WTO
framework. The main issue in this legal research is how the legal issues
regarding subsidies for agricultural products within the WTO framework. The
main objective of this legal research is to find out the legal issues
regarding subsidies for agricultural products within the WTO framework. This
legal research is a normative legal research in
which legal sources are collected through literature study. A relatively
detailed review of the content of legal issues regarding subsidies for
agricultural products in the WTO framework is discussed in this paper. The
results of this study indicate that agriculture is one of the important trade
negotiations in the WTO through the rules contained in the AoA. Agreements to implement commitments from disciplines
in the AoA, from WTO member countries, are expected
to be reached by both developing and developed countries. |
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Keywords: Subsidies of the Agricultural Products; WTO; Trade Remedy Measure; Legal Issues; International Economic Law |
Introduction
The
word �subsidies� sounds an alert in the minds of some international trade
policy makers and politicians. The term �export subsidies� even intensifies the
alarm. One learned subsidies are not natural action in
business in which it eventually will make the business environment unbalance.
And yet the use of subsidies, and more specifically of export subsidies, is
rampant and pervasive worldwide, particularly in certain sectors, one of which
is agriculture. The agricultural products as the main sources to supply our
basic needs as a human life plays a vital role in our nation. This has been the
main reasons why the agricultural products become one of the main agreement in the international life. So that is why the word
subsidies in agriculture even much more annoying to some politicians. In fact, the experience of recent events shows that the
use of subsidies, especially in the agricultural sector, is increasingly
rampant. This is because agricultural products are the main source to meet our
basic needs as human life. This is the reason why countries, especially
developed countries, both democratic and authoritarian, still subsidize their
agricultural sector with the consideration of their national economic
resilience. This is also the main reason why agricultural products are one of
the main agreements in the WTO - AoA.
One
of the main functions of a government is to ensure the welfare of the people in
its country. In order to guarantee and improve the welfare of its people, the
government needs funds. To get this fund, the government has made various
efforts and especially the source of funds for poor countries is from taxes.
Subsidies to the people are one of the efforts to realize the welfare of the
people, especially in the agricultural sector which is a basic need of state
life. By providing subsidies to the people, the people will get tools to
increase agricultural products and increase their income so that tax payments
will take place properly. Therefore, the government often provides stimulus for
economic activity by providing subsidies, especially in the agricultural
sector. But often subsidies are also a tool for the government to make various
efforts to win the competition in the international market.� This is very contrary to the spirit of free
trade as the main target of WTO. ,Subsidies often
distort international trade because in the existence of the subsidies, free
trade doesn't really exist. The price of the product could not reflect of the
real efforts of the producers. For developed and strong countries
they can provide very large subsidies to their people so that their agricultural
products in the international market are very competitive and often turn off
agricultural product producers in poor countries. Therefore, considering this
matter the international trade policy makers feel the need to eliminate these
subsidies even though this must be done gradually. However, it seems that there
are still many countries who view that the provision of these subsidies is
still necessary. Because they reasoned that subsidies
are a form of the state's duty to prosper its people. In fact, some subsidies
also give some advantages to a specific customer. So
the challenge in this case is to determine which subsidies are distorting trade
to unacceptable levels. And the word not accepted of course will be different
from one country to another. So, an agreement is needed to determine which
subsidies are acceptable and which are not.
One
of the mandates of the World Trade Organization (WTO), which was originally the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), is to achieve a fair and free
market. Therefore, with the practice of subsidies that often distort the main
objective of the WTO, one of the targets is to regulate the use of national
subsidies that distort the free market, especially export subsidies. Although
export subsidies for most industrial products have been outlawed for some time
now. However, the implementation of the ban on export subsidies in the
agricultural sector is currently still difficult to implement.
It
is ascertained that the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations has
been completed, and a new discipline has been introduced regarding the
regulation of subsidies which are deemed to distort free trade, namely the
Subsidy and Counterbalancing Measures Agreement (SCM Agreement) and the Agreement
on Agricultural (AoA) for all sectors. These new
rules have become the subject of great controversy, because of the particular
interests of the member countries so that these rules are still relatively
difficult to implement. As such, these regulations have been subject to intense
scrutiny by countries through the WTO dispute resolution mechanism.
In
order to realize its objectives as stated above, the WTO has worked very hard
to negotiate with countries that do not agree on the AoA
discipline, namely subsidies in the agricultural sector. AoA's
short-term target is to be able to provide understanding to countries that
reject or object to reforms in the field of this agricultural agreement. There
are basically three disciplines in AoA, namely access
to agricultural markets, domestic support and export subsidies. These three
main pillars are the first step towards reforming free trade regarding
subsidies as stated by (C. Gonzales, 2002). The agenda contained in
Article 20 of the AoA is designed to ensure that this
AoA Discipline will be the first step in the reform
process that will lead to the establishment of a fair and market-oriented
agricultural trade system. As we know that agricultural subsidies by the
government given to producers of agricultural products have the aim of
stabilizing food prices, ensuring abundant food production, ensuring the
welfare and income of farmers so that in general it will strengthen the
agricultural segment of the national economy.
The
agricultural conditions of WTO member countries are strongly influenced by
various things, including the main thing is the local weather and other things
such as politics, war, fertilizer readiness and other factors. This causes
fluctuating crop yields. So that farmers' incomes will also fluctuate which
causes their purchasing power to decrease when their harvests decline and consequently
will depend on the availability of needs in the global market. Therefore, government
support in the form of price and income guarantees can help maintain a strong
domestic agricultural sector and domestic food supply. With the guarantee of
smoothness and certainty of farmers' income from time to time, it will increase
the strength of the agricultural industry sector which is the main point of
defense in every country. We also understand that agricultural subsidies have a
strong effect on increasing state revenues from tax payments.
It
has become a reality in several countries, without support from the government,
domestic farmers will not be able to compete with foreign imports. Therefore,
removing subsidies would push domestic farmers out of business, leaving the
country with a much smaller agricultural industry. This will result in the
agricultural sector being neglected. A country that is unable to produce enough
food domestically to feed its people will make the country weak and dependent
on international markets and more vulnerable to trade pressures, global food
shortages and price shocks. Therefore, agriculture is one of the economic
sectors that has always been the main sector to obtain subsidies.
But
at the same time, agricultural subsidies have many negative effects on trade
and the environment, which this paper highlights. Some of the negative effects
are that countries that are still underdeveloped are getting weaker in the face
of international free trade because of their country's unpreparedness to
provide adequate subsidies in the agricultural sector, such as Indonesia.
Indonesia has participated as a contracting party in the GATT (since February
24, 1950) and when GATT became the WTO in January 1995, Indonesia automatically
became the founding fathers of the WTO and has officially adopted the rules in
the WTO in Indonesia. Law Number 7 of 1994 concerning Ratification of the
Agreement on the Establishment of the World Trade Organization. So it is a must for Indonesia to follow the rules in the WTO
(Meredith
A. Crowley, 2003).
In
this study the author aims to discuss several legal issues regarding subsidies
for agricultural products within the WTO framework. The review of the AoA is presented. The journey on the GATT round is reviewed.
A short analysis concerning the reasons behind the importance of agricultural
subsidies is discussed.
Method
This
research method is a qualitative research method. This will be done through
library research, use of internet sources and other sources. The AoA and the WTO will be the main sources of regulatory
information. Other sources are the GATT and SCM agreements. Secondary sources
will consist of research papers, reports, journals, articles and books and
other related reports. Research papers and journals exploring provisions
relevant to this study will be examined.
As stated in the introduction
that the existence of AoA in the WTO comes from the
GATT itself. We know that the 1947 GATT was originally applied to agriculture,
but was incomplete, and the signatory countries or in this case the parties to
the agreement or entering into the contract have excluded this sector from the
scope of the principles stated in the general agreement. In the period
1947-1994 members were allowed to use export subsidies on primary agricultural
products and imposed import restrictions under certain conditions, so that the
main agricultural commodities faced trade barriers on an unusual scale in other
merchandise sectors (M. Khor, 2005). Therefore, in the early
stages, a fair and market-oriented agricultural trade system is still difficult
to realize.
Then, WTO continues to
strive to carry out negotiations with members with which certain agreements can
be made during the Uruguay Round. In this agreement the agricultural sector has
a special status in the WTO Agreement and Memorandum of Understanding on trade
(which was signed in 1994 and entered into force on January 1, 1995) namely by
the existence of a special agreement, the Agricultural Agreement (AoA). In addition, several provisions in the Agreement on
the Application of agriculture. The provisions of this Agricultural Agreement
are supplemented by the Agreement on technical barriers to trade (TBT), as well
as a technical assistance mechanism. With the existence of AoA,
WTO Member States make improvements to agricultural policies in their countries
by adjusting the rules in their countries according to the discipline of the
three main pillars of AoA, namely access to
agricultural markets, domestic support and export subsidies. Negotiations to
realize the goals of the WTO have been carried out in several places. The Punta
del Este Conference in 1986 which launched the Uruguay Round, the contents of
which were made an agreement on the agricultural sector. The Uruguay Round was
the most important first step in the process of liberalizing agricultural trade
since the GATT. Later in its development the Cancun Ministerial Conference also
discussed agriculture (Charles Barnor, et. al., 2015). In this case, agricultural
products still get different treatment from other products in the content of
the WTO. The Agreement on Agriculture or AoA provides
a system of rules that is significantly different from the GATT provisions on
other products. Existing provisions have sought better provisions to address
inconsistent GATT/WTO rules. Thus, agriculture still gets its own attention.
Agriculture is still a sector where export subsidies are expressly permitted
under WTO law; in this case as a national security consideration of a country,
even though domestic subsidy programs that are proven to distort trade and are
detrimental can escape the general provisions of the WTO. So
with this condition, it means that agricultural trade still has a long way to
go towards liberalization. Although on the one hand we can say that the
Agreement is a significant breakthrough in the history of international trade
regulation, on the other hand it can also be said that this Agreement is a sign
that there has been a failure in efforts to make agricultural trade in accordance
with the spirit and purpose of the establishment of the WTO. The third WTO
Ministerial Conference in Seattle, has launched a mandate to negotiate
agricultural trade regulations as part of a wider round of negotiations. The AoA defines export subsidies as �export
performance-dependent subsidies�. However, this formulation raises a more basic
question about what is meant by �subsidy�. There have been several different
interpretations of subsidies which have led to debate and disagreement among
WTO members. With
the regulation that allows export subsidies related to the SCM Agreement,
further explanation is needed, namely first regarding the meaning regarding the
reasons for the permit such as the meaning of "financial contribution"
and the meaning of "receipt of benefits". Because that meaning could
be biased. Likewise with respect to permitted agricultural production export
subsidies, additional areas of investigation, there needs to be clarity in
terms of the meaning of the definition of �subsidy� in Article 9.1 of the AoA and what appropriate amounts of subsidies are included
in the Illustrated List of Export Subsidies in Annex 1 of the AOA ( Mundzir et al., 2021). Then
there is a need for clarification regarding the relationship between the SCM
Agreement and AoA. This is because it is known that
the basic rules for regulating export subsidies are included in the SCM and AoA Agreements. As the regulation has now been used as a
reference in the WTO's Dispute Settlement Body (DSB) report, so it is very important
that the clarification is given to get the same level of understanding. Because
the DSB reports are an important jurisprudential body in determining the
legality of the export subsidy program. To illustrate the example in the case
of the Canadian-Aircraft Appeals Board found that a �subsidy�, within the
meaning of Section 1.1 of the SCM Agreement, arises where the giver makes a
�financial contribution� that provides a �benefit� to the beneficiary, as
opposed to what would otherwise be available to the recipient in the market (Organization,
2007). Then the Appellate Body applies the definition of subsidies based on
Article 9.1 of the AOA which is the definition for agricultural products.
Likewise, in the case of Canada�Measures Affecting the Importation of Milk and
the Export of Dairy Products (Canada�Milk). In this case, the Appellate Body
applied both of these decisions in cases under Section 8 and Section 10.1 of
the AOA in the US-FSC. The result is a consistent application of the definition
of subsidies in WTO jurisprudence, both for agricultural and non-agricultural
products (Pianta, 2014).
At the 2013 WTO Bali
Ministerial Conference, WTO members agreed to adopt a Trade Facilitation
Agreement (TFA). In order to make TFA part of the WTO, they developed some legal
procedures. Then Unlike the TFA, the Nairobi Ministerial Conference in 2015
agreed to abolish agricultural export subsidies even though it was only adopted
as a "ministerial decision". So although
there has been progress in terms of limiting and removing subsidies, the legal
basis is still weak. At the Nairobi Ministerial Conference, 4 pillars of
discipline were agreed upon namely, the elimination of export subsidies,
stricter rules on export financing, anti-avoidance clauses in relation to state
trading companies and a number of detailed provisions relating to international
food aid with the aim of preventing or minimizing commercial movements.
However, given the weak legal basis for this Nairobi decision (only ministerial
level decisions), unlike TFA, this decision is not included as an attachment to
the WTO Agreement and will not be designated as a "covered agreement"
that is part of the WTO. So although there has been
significant progress in the regulation on subsidies, given the weak legal basis
it has, a violation of any of the provisions of the decision cannot be brought
to the WTO dispute settlement system. Although for example the WTO dispute
resolution panel may be asked to consider Nairobi's decision as a basis for
deciding on disputes that arise it may not meet the high standards set out by
article 31 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. Furthermore, that
the implementation of the interpretation under the Vienna Convention cannot
conflict with the plain text of the previous treaty (Matsushita, Schoenbaum, Mavroidis, &
Hahn, 2015). This means that from a legal point of view there are some
redundant regulations but some rules do not have high legal force. That the
existing agreements contain a certain degree of flexibility with respect to
their implementation by developing countries and least developed countries
(LDC) so that this flexibility will also lead to some legal problems such as
misunderstanding or disputes among WTO members. Therefore, efforts are needed
to increase the existence of a common understanding and in parallel with strong
law enforcement.
The existence of the GATT
was intended to be part of a much broader agreement to establish the
International Trade Organization (ITO). In this case the ITO is intended to promote
trade liberalization by setting guidelines or rules that will be approved by
member countries (Matsushita, 2004). The ITO was conceived during the Bretton
Woods conference attended by major allied countries in New Hampshire in 1944
and is seen as complementary to two other organizations also initiated there
such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. The IMF
functions to monitor and regulate the international fixed exchange rate system,
the World Bank will assist loans. The goal of GATT is to make international
trade more free and fair. Therefore, various state
interferences that hinder free trade must be a commitment from member
countries. Because the countries that made this commitment have agreed to do so
by co-signing the agreement. Several discussions to understand the purpose of
GATT were carried out in various rounds of negotiations. Each round of
negotiations is usually given a name associated with the meeting location or
with an important figure. There were eight rounds of negotiations under the
GATT: Geneva Round (1948), Annecy Round (1950), Torquay Round (1951), Geneva II
Round (1956), Dillon Round (1962), Kennedy Round (1967), Tokyo Round (1979),
and the Uruguay Round (1994) (Kartadjoemena, 1919).
In each round of negotiations, it is prioritized to reach an agreement or commtment. Commitments, made by countries under the GATT
take two forms i.e., first, there are country-specific and product-specific
commitments. For example, China may agree to reduce the maximum tariff imposed
on certain goods to a certain percentage (for example, 10 percent). This
maximum rate is called the binding rate, or the bound rate. In each round, each
participating country offers a concession, which involves a list of new tariff
bindings. To achieve trade liberalization, new tariff ties must be lower than
before. At the end of the round, the signatory countries do not always end up
with the same level of tariffs. Instead, each country enters the round with a
unique rate assigned to each item. The expectation in this round of
negotiations is that each country will lower its tariffs, on average, from
their initial levels. Thus, if Country A enters the discussion with a 10
percent tariff on imports of refrigerators, while Country B has a 50 percent tariff,
then the typical outcome of the round might be A lowering its tariff binding to
7 percent, while B lowering it to 35 percent (Birovljev
& Etkovi, 2013). Some countries, especially
developing countries, maintain relatively high bound tariffs but have decided
to reduce actual tariffs to levels below the bound rate. This rate is called
the applied rate. Lowering tariffs unilaterally is allowed under the GATT, such
as increasing the applied tariff until the tariff is bound. The second
commitment is about the acceptance of certain behavioral principles with
respect to international trade policy. In this regard there are also two forms:
the first involving the core principles of non-discrimination and the second
involving the permissible exceptions to these principles.
AoA itself is quite the
controversy. On the one hand, some view the AoA as an
instrument that has the potential to address imbalances in trade relations
between developing and developed countries. But on the other hand
there are those who see the AoA as an instrument that
is increasingly beneficial for developed countries and detrimental to less
developed countries. With its overly neoliberal tendencies, AoA
seems to ignore that underdeveloped countries will not be able to compete
fairly in international trade that is too liberal. AoA
implicitly pushes the principle that the stronger is the winner of the bargain.
Free trade is like a match for gladiators. Perhaps what we need to analyze is
the question of why agriculture in the AoA is so
different that it is the only sector that is effectively regulated by
sector-specific agreements in the WTO (Desta, 2001). Several explanations have
been given one of them by Ragosta. Because agriculture has a unique role in
maintaining the availability of food sources and also controlling the
environment and for survival in rural ways and cultures. Bernard O'Connor gives
a strategic and economic explanation and concludes that "agriculture is
different from other sectors and is properly treated according to the rules of
a separate WTO Agreement" (Gonzalez, 2002). But certainly
all agree that the AoA has taken one of the most
important steps to bring stronger agriculture into the multilaterally agreed
system of rules, rules that led to the adoption by WTO member states of new
national laws to bring the practice of the pre-Uruguay Round they are in line
with AoA requirements. What is also clear is that, as
long as the AoA remains in force, agricultural
products will remain a special category in itself subject to special treatment
within the WTO framework (Xiaozhen Li & Wang,
2008).
Another legal issue is
about subsidies. It is well known that the indirect effects of subsidies, most
of which work through world markets, affect different categories of countries
differently. First, subsidies are clearly detrimental to other countries that
export their products without providing subsidies, because their prices are not
competitive so it will cut their market share and reduce their export income. Second,
export subsidies do benefit countries where there is little appropriate
production of the subsidized product or similar substitutes. In this case, the
subsidy is a transfer of income from the subsidizing country to consumers in
the importing country. In general, export subsidies may have an overall welfare
advantage for importing countries with very low levels of self-sufficiency,
because consumer gains should more than offset producer losses. However, if the
conditions are not as stated above, this export subsidy can disrupt the
international trade market.
The impact of export
subsidies on the third country category, i.e., where the level of
self-sufficiency in subsidized products or their substitutes is high, is more
complex. Where export subsidies depress world market prices, and where these
prices are transmitted to the domestic market, producers lose and consumers
gain. The dark side of this effect is where there is an accumulation of losses
for these producers over time, as prolonged depressed prices and low yields
weaken investment in agriculture, slowing the growth of the sector. The net
welfare loss is generally expected to be higher, the greater the level of
self-sufficiency. Many developing countries fall into this group and almost all
of them produce staple foods, which are the main products that receive export
subsidies. In theory, the importing country can take advantage of the transfer
of income by capturing it at the border in the form of tariffs, while
maintaining higher prices in the domestic market (Stehn,
1996). However, such actions must be consistent with other commitments. on the
type and level of tariff action. In addition, there may be political economy
considerations that make it difficult to use this option in practice. Finally,
where the widespread use of export subsidies is destabilizing world markets,
most likely, food-importing countries face additional transaction costs in
trying to cope with this volatile market.
All the effects of
subsidies above have given rise to several legal disputes between countries
that enjoy the benefits and countries that do not. Although settlement
procedures are also available in the WTO Agreement on Agriculture, due to the
lack of legal force of the agreement, the settlement will be void. Another form
of protection from these impacts is in the form of indirect subsidies to
agricultural producers or export subsidies which in turn will lead to
distortions and market disputes. In summary, the issue of agricultural market
access in current negotiations presents some of the most complex international
trade issues. It is ascertained that other industrial products have complied
with the rules of GATT/WTO, but the products are still not in accordance with
the rules of GATT/WTO. The development of agricultural trade rules is more about
understanding the rules that have been set by GATT/WTO while simultaneously
making strict implementation of the rules. The task of understanding and
applying WTO rules to situations brought before a WTO panel, and anticipating
what future panels might decide in relation to national programs requires
serious research.
Conclusion
The
AOA brief review above shows that agriculture is one of the most important
trade negotiations in the WTO. However, due to various reasons, the implementation
of the rules in AOA is still difficult to implement. Apart from differences in
understanding and different perceptions of AOA where there are many opinions
that are not positive about AOA, such as the opinion that AOA is an instrument
of developed countries to stay ahead of developing countries. Despite the fact
that developing countries are gaining strength in making their voices heard
with increasing strength and momentum, countries that want liberalist trade
tend to defend their own national interests by using the pretext of free trade
as fair international trade.
There are several
legal issues regarding subsidies on agricultural products within the WTO
framework, such as issues regarding the definition of subsidies, rules and
interpretations in the WTO and SCM, WTO and SCM alignment and internal domestic
rules and interpretations of member countries. This legal issue needs an
immediate solution in order to achieve the goals of the WTO in terms of free
and fair international trade. Of course, fair has an unequal meaning. But basically all countries will agree when it comes to the
welfare of all countries then an agreement will be reached. There are still
cynical views from some countries regarding the hypocrisy of the AOA. However,
this can be overcome with better communication and discussion of the meaning
contained in AOA so as to eliminate prejudices that will only make things
worse. The elimination of all forms of agricultural export subsidies in 2013 is
a historic achievement but its implementation requires hard work from the WTO
for this new rule to be implemented. Likewise, the agreement to apply the
tariff reduction commitments from bound rates rather than applied ones also has
the effect of allowing most developing countries to retain their existing
applied rates while reducing their bound rates to levels which should in many
cases still remain far higher than what most of these countries may want to
apply. In most developed countries, on the other hand, the gap between bound
and applied tariffs is either small or non-existent, and the implications of
the commitments will be more immediate in many cases.
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